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How to predict solar flares

Richard Canfield and David McKenzie from Montana State University in the US, and Hugh Hudson from the Solar Physics Research Corporation in Japan, analysed two years worth of images from the X-ray satellite Yohkoh. In addition to the link between sigmoids and solar flares, they also confirmed that there was a link between solar flares and sunspot activity.

Several explosions take place on the Sun’s surface every day but only a few point in the direction of the Earth. Previously, the only advance warning about the flares came from the SOHO satellite. However, SOHO could only give a few hours warning at most. The statistical relationship between sigmoids and solar flares can provide warnings days in advance.

Quantum wells go metallic

Tai Chang Chiang and co-workers at Urbana confined electrons in thin films of silver ranging from 1 monolayer to around 100 monolayers thick. Just as photons resonate back and forth in an optical Fabry-Perot interferometer, the Urbana team showed that electrons bounced back and forth from the two surfaces of the silver film. They used ultraviolet radiation from a synchrotron radiation source to make angle-resolved photoemission measurements of the states. The team were able to follow how the band structure, reflectivity and other properties of the silver varied with the number of monolayers. The Berkeley team also relied on photoemission and used a “double wedge” sample in which a single layer of nickel atoms was able to sample the electron wavefunction at different positions within the copper quantum well.

Applications of the work are likely to be found in the burgeoning field of magnetoelectronics in which devices exploit the spin or magnetic properties of the electron.

CERN and Fermilab argue over “new” discovery

Last Monday Fermilab issued a press release titled “Fermilab physicists find new matter-antimatter asymmetry”. On Thursday CERN replied with a statement which read: “The CERN physics community offers its congratulations to their colleagues from the KTeV experiment at Fermilab for their exciting new data on the observation of direct CP violation in neutral kaon decays [which] confirm with greater precision the earlier result by the NA31 experiment at CERN.”

Direct CP violation is measured by a ratio known as e‘/e which compares how many neutral kaons – which are bound states of a down quark and an antistrange quark, or an antidown quark and a strange quark – decay into two neutral pions or a pair of charged pions. Pions are bound pairs of up and down quarks or antiquarks.

In May 1988, the NA31 collaboration at CERN reported a value of 33 ± 11 x 10-4 for e‘/e, based on a partial analysis of their data. The final result, published in 1993, was 23 ± 6.5 x 10-4. According to the CERN statement: “These observations were more than three standard deviations from zero, inconsistent with the prediction of the superweak model by Lincoln Wolfenstein, and in support of the direct CP violation expected in the Standard Model.” In 1990, however, the E731 collaboration at Fermilab reported a value of e‘/e that was consistent with zero. The latest result from the KTeV collaboration at Fermilab is 28 ± 4.1 x 10-4.

The Fermilab press release did acknowledge the CERN work, although KTeV cospokesman Bruce Winstein said that the NA31 result “was not yet enough to definitely say it was non-zero”. Later in the release Winstein added: “We are excited to have established direct CP violation, but we also want to emphasize that CERN’s NA31 deserves a share of the credit.”

However, Konrad Kleinknecht of the University of Mainz in Germany puts a different spin on the relative importance of the two experiments. “[The Fermilab result] is a brilliant confirmation of the earlier observations at CERN, and serves credit for that. Finally the 1988 observation on this new symmetry violation is confirmed.”

Further results on direct CP violation are expected from the NA48 experiment at CERN and the KLOE experiment at the Frascati National Laboratory in Italy.

New director for Fermilab

Witherell received his PhD from the University of Wisconsin in 1973 and became an assistant professor at Princeton University in 1975. He moved to Santa Barbara in 1981 and in 1990 won the American Physical Society’s Panofsky Prize for experiments on charm quarks at Fermilab. Witherell has also been chair of the Department of Energy’s high-energy physics advisory panel and was elected to the National Academy of Sciences last year.

Witherell’s current research programme concerns CP violation and the asymmetry between matter and antimatter. He has been closely involved in the design and construction of the BaBar detector which will study CP violation in B mesons at the recently completed B-factory at the Stanford Linear Accelerator Center.

Still uncertain about Heisenberg

“Heisenberg is an intelligent man, but a typical German (that is to say a Tacitus).” So wrote Albert Einstein to his Swiss confidant Carl Seelig, in January 1953. Although the quotation does not appear in this book by the American historian Paul Rose, everything else that one could possibly say against Werner Heisenberg and his behaviour during the Third Reich can be found here.

Few books have such a strong teleological character as this one by Rose. His goal is, from start to finish, to devalue Heisenberg as a person and a scientist, and to make him appear a “devil” and a “fool”. That aim is pursued for more than 300 pages, with such an aggressive single-mindedness and with such a self-righteous, cutting tone that one is reminded of Kenneth Starr or the historian Daniel Goldhagen. It is hard to accept that this book has been written by a professor of history at a well known US university and that it claims to be a historical study.

Rose’s general approach is also mixed with a good deal of Germanophobia. As he states in the preface: “I have tried to penetrate into how Germans think – or rather, perhaps, used to think – and to show how radically different are German and what I have termed ‘Western’ mentalities and sensibilities.” This approach reaches its climax at the start of the third section of the book, in which Luther and other central figures of German intellectual history are used to bolster the author’s claim that anti-semitism and other negative features are characteristic of the German mentality and that therefore the “ugly Germans” had a specific predisposition to Nazism and its atrocities.

Such a linear understanding of history, formed from an undifferentiated and predetermined viewpoint, conflicts with the standards and methods of modern historiography. In addition, it does no justice to the complexity of Heisenberg’s personality or to his behaviour during the Nazi period. Without doubt, Heisenberg was no hero and certainly was not a resistance fighter. There is much evidence for his opportunistic manoeuvring and for his occasionally awkward behaviour during that time – reflected, for instance, by Einstein’s critical remark. But it is tendentious and historically unjustified to use this evidence to say that Heisenberg had close relationships with the SS and Heinrich Himmler in particular (p262), or to accuse Heisenberg of “a strong implicit anti-semitism” (p242).

The author uses these statements to turn Heisenberg into a “devil”, which he undoubtedly was not, although this role was certainly played by others in Nazi Germany, including some scientists. But such a blanket condemnation of Heisenberg eliminates the wide range of behaviour that scientists showed during the Nazi period, and ignores the difference between the criminals and activists of the regime on the one hand and those who merely followed the regime on the other. Of course, this has nothing to do with an en bloc apology for the latter or with any desire to liberate those involved from their responsibility for the things that did happen.

It is clear and well known that Heisenberg made some awkward compromises, and that he actively collaborated with the Nazis on occasion. He also utterly failed to appreciate what the Third Reich was all about or to understand his own involvement in the regime. For example, he made very few self-critical remarks in his writings after the war – indeed, he appears to have been an example of the so-called “inability to mourn” that Alexander Mitscherlich attributed to post-war Germans in general.

However, all of these details do not create a true picture of Heisenberg’s personality. To achieve this, one should compare his behaviour with that of other scientists of his time. One should also place more emphasis on the fact that Heisenberg’s opposition to the idea of “Deutsche physik” (i.e. anti-semitic and racially founded physics, as opposed to Einstein’s modern “Jewish physics”) and his desire for high standards and international cooperation in physics did not just come from his specific or even egotistic professional interests. These activities were seen by the Nazi regime, his students and even in the circles of the German resistance as a kind of non-conformism and opposition to Nazi rule. In other words, Heisenberg managed to communicate hope and invigorate resisting and non-conformist behaviour, and thereby helped to undermine the Nazi dictatorship’s claim to totalitarian domination.

Rose’s presentation of the German uranium project is also based on a predetermined point of view. He reproduces the opinion of Samuel Goudsmit, who argued in Alsos: The History of Modern Physics (American Institute of Physics, 1983) that Heisenberg and the other German atomic physicists made significant mistakes in their efforts to harness nuclear fission. Rose argues that Heisenberg only developed a clear idea of the critical mass of an atomic bomb once he and other German physicists were taken to Farm Hall in the UK at the end of the Second World War, where they were interrogated about their role in Germany’s bomb project. Rose also emphasizes that Heisenberg pursued the idea of a reactor bomb more or less up to the end of the war, and concludes that he must therefore have failed to understand how a bomb would work with a uranium-235 isotope.

But if you read Heisenberg’s Collected Papers (Springer, 1989), especially his talks from 1942 and 1943, you come to a quite different conclusion. This would more or less tie in with the assessments made by Mark Walker in German National Socialism and the Quest for Nuclear Power (Cambridge University Press, 1989) and by David Cassidy in Uncertainty: The Life and Science of Werner Heisenberg (WH Freeman, 1992) – neither of whom are burning admirers of Heisenberg! Although their opinions cannot, of course, be taken as proof of authority, they should allow readers to judge the facts for themselves.

It is therefore somewhat surprising that Rose uses Cassidy’s biography as a kind of “chief witness”, even though it gives a very different and above all well balanced view of Heisenberg’s personality and work. But this only goes to show Rose’s approach and the way in which he very often reaches his conclusions: namely by ignoring or reinterpreting those facts that contradict his thesis. One therefore finds in this book some tendentious and indeed wrong views of physicists: for example that Hans Jensen was a “communist” (p227), that Friedrich Hund “serv[ed] Stalin after the war” (p260) or that Manfred von Ardenne headed the German Post Office’s atomic project and collaborated with Gustav Herz (p199).

Of course, such incorrect details could be forgiven, were it not for the fact that Rose himself clearly shares Einstein’s view that “whoever fails to take the truth seriously in small things, cannot be trusted in large ones”.

New director for US neutron source

Nobel laureate Glenn Seaborg dies

Seaborg shared the 1951 Nobel Prize for Chemistry with the physicist Edwin McMillan. In addition to a long career at the University of California and the Lawrence Radiation Laboratory, both in Berkeley, Seaborg was also chancellor of the University of California and head of the Atomic Energy Commission. During the Second World War he was in charge of refining plutonium for the US atomic bomb project. Seaborg suffered a stroke while attending an American Chemical Society meeting last year, and died while convalescing at home. “Dr Seaborg was a true giant of the 20th Century, ” said Charles Shank, director of the Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory.

In 1997 Seaborg became the only person ever to have an element named after them – element 106 – while still alive. This led to a huge row between the American Chemical Society and the International Union of Pure and Applied Chemistry when elements 104 to 109 were being named. Finally, in August 1997, both groups agreed that element 106 should be called seaborgium. Seaborg called this his greatest honour.

Seaborg’s main contribution to chemistry was his 1944 paper on the “actinide concept” of heavy element electronic structure. This predicted that the actinides – including the first eleven transuranium elements – would form a transition series analogous to the rare earth series of lanthanide elements. This paper led to one of the most significant changes in the periodic table since Mendeleyev.

Seaborg also served as president of the American Association for the Advancement of Science and the American Chemical Society, and was an advocate of nuclear arms control, international co-operation in science, and conservation of natural resources.

Physics highlights the randomness of fashion

In Fink and Mao’s method the space surrounding the tie is split into three sections: left, centre and right. To begin the wide end of the tie is passed either over or under the narrow part. The knotting process then continues with a series of half turns or moves either towards or away from the shirt. By taking “random walks” along the lattice, Fink and Mao devised a mathematical formula for the knots. Although they were able to generate a total of 85 knots with the formula, only 10 were deemed aesthetically pleasing.

Sunlight moves asteroids

Some asteroids are pulled into near-Earth orbits by gravitational resonance effects created by the combined pulls of Mars, Jupiter and Saturn. However, it has been known for many years that another mechanism must be pulling asteroids out of their more typical Mars- Jupiter orbit.

Farinella and Vokrouhlicky suggest that when large asteroids collide, their fragments – rocky boulders below 20 km in diameter – are more susceptible to the Yarkovsky effect. Sunlight is absorbed by the fragments, which then emit infrared radiation from their surface. This small radiation pressure effect gradually propels a fragment from its original orbit. A typical fragment can move around 1500 km from its orbit over a period of 1000 million years. This tiny change of orbit is enough for some fragments to fall towards a gravitational resonance and hence move towards the Earth.

Heavy nuclei start to shape up

The existence of superheavy elements was predicted about 30 years ago on the basis of the nuclear shell model, which was originally developed in 1949. The model explains why nuclei with certain “magic” numbers of neutrons or protons are especially stable: these nuclei have closed shells of either protons or neutrons. Magic nuclei are spherical in shape and are characterized by exceptionally high nuclear binding energies. The most stable nuclei observed are “doubly magic”, having closed shells of both protons and neutrons.

The heaviest known doubly magic nucleus is 208Pb, an isotope of lead consisting of Z = 82 protons and N = 126 neutrons. The shell model predicts that the next doubly magic nucleus in the sequence will contain 114 protons and 184 neutrons. Other theoretical studies predict a whole superheavy “island of stability” around Z = 114 and N = 184, making the reported discovery of the new element with Z = 114 and N = 175 all the more significant.

For a long time it was believed that the island was surrounded by a “sea of instability” consisting of nuclei that have a high probability of fragmenting spontaneously into lighter nuclei. However, the discovery of elements containing between 107 and 112 protons at the Institute for Heavy Ion Research (GSI) in Darmstadt, Germany, showed that this assumption was incorrect.

Subsequent theoretical work has explained the observed stability of elements containing up to 112 protons. The stability of these non-magic nuclei is predicted to come from the ability of the nucleus to deform from a spherical shape. Confidence in these theoretical predictions has come from their agreement with experimental measurements of a-decay energies, a-decay lifetimes and long fission lifetimes. Now Peter Reiter, Teng Lek Khoo and co-workers at the ATLAS superconducting linear accelerator in Argonne have directly demonstrated that the nobelium-254 (254No) nucleus, which has 102 protons, is deformed. They have quantified this in terms of a “deformation parameter” and have also discovered that the 254No nucleus is remarkably stable even when it is in a high-spin state, a result that was not obvious for such heavy elements. The experiment combined some of the most highly developed instruments and separation techniques in modern nuclear spectroscopy.

In the experiment an intense beam of calcium ions was directed at a lead target. Within a timescale of 10-19 s, a rotating, heavy 256No nucleus was formed, which then cooled by emitting two neutrons to leave a rotating 254No nucleus. As it rotates, this nucleus emits gamma rays that remove the angular momentum and leave the 254No nucleus in its ground state after about 10-9 s. The gamma rays were detected using Gammasphere, an array of 101 germanium detectors. To distinguish the gamma rays emitted by the 254No from the intense background of gamma rays released in other fission reactions, it was essential to correlate their arrival times at the detector with the detection of the 254No nuclei. Heavy nuclei were separated in-flight from lighter nuclear particles using a fragment mass analyser and their positions were accurately measured with a silicon detector. The production of 254No was signalled unambiguously by its characteristic a decay, which occurred at the same position in the silicon detector as the nucleus and had a half-life of 55 s. By “tagging” the gamma spectrum this way, the team found that the energy difference between the various transitions was characteristic of those from a rotating, deformed nucleus.

The researchers also used the data to work out the spin of the emitting states. A total of four gamma-ray transitions were identified and assigned to a decay cascade that started from a spin level with 12 units of angular momentum and positive parity (12+). (Parity is a quantum number that can take the value of +1 or -1.) Of the six possible transitions, the two lowest were not observed because the nucleus prefers to transfer its energy to the atomic electrons rather than emit gamma rays at low transition energies. The team deduced the deformation parameter from the difference in energy of the gamma rays coming from the different rotational states and found that it was in excellent agreement with the value predicted by theories. The researchers found that the 254No nucleus is a prolate spheroid (or rugby-ball shape) with an axis ratio of 4:3, as shown in the figure.

Shortly afterwards, Matti Leino, Rauno Julin and co-workers repeated the experiment at the University of Jyväskylä in Finland (M Leino et al. 1999 Acta Phys. Pol. B at press). In this experiment, the researchers confirmed a transition from a spin-parity state of 14+ to 12+ that had only been assigned tentatively by the Argonne team. They also discovered a new transition, probably from a spin-parity state of 16+ to 14+.

Normally, the centrifugal forces acting on a rotating, heavy nucleus cause it to break up more easily. However, the observation of states that have up to 16 units of spin implies that a fraction of the 254No nuclei remain intact even when they have a high angular momentum.

Both groups are planning further investigations into the stability of 254No and its dependence on the angular momentum of the nucleus. The results should provide greater experimental and theoretical insight into the production mechanism of superheavy elements.

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